Visit Website Although the quota walls seemed unassailable, some Americans took steps to alleviate the suffering of German Jews. American Jewish leaders organized a boycott of German goods, hoping that economic pressure might force Hitler to end his anti-Semitic policies, and prominent American Jews, including Louis D. In response, the Roosevelt administration agreed to ease visa regulations, and infollowing the Nazi annexation of Austria, State Department officials issued all the visas available under the combined German-Austrian quota.
Recommended Further Reading 1. Chronology of Life and Works The political philosopher, Hannah Arendtwas born in Hanover, Germany, inthe only child of secular Jews.
InArendt began her studies in classics and Christian theology at the University of Berlin, and in entered Marburg University, where she studied philosophy with Martin Heidegger.
In she began a romantic relationship with Heidegger, but broke this off the following year.
She moved to Heidelberg to study with Karl Jaspers, the existentialist philosopher and friend of Heidegger. Under Jasper's supervision, she wrote her dissertation on the concept of love in St.
She remained close to Jaspers throughout her life, although the influence of Heidegger's phenomenology was to prove the greater in its lasting influence upon Arendt's work. Inshe met Gunther Stern, a young Jewish philosopher, with whom she became romantically involved, and subsequently married Inher dissertation Der Liebesbegriff bei Augustin was published.
In the subsequent years, she continued her involvement in Jewish and Zionist politics, which began from onwards. Infearing Nazi persecution, she fled to Paris, where she subsequently met and became friends with both Walter Benjamin and Raymond Aron. The Life of a Jewess.
Inshe published "Reflections on Little Rock," her controversial consideration of the emergent Black civil rights movement.
A Report on the Banality of Evil. Volumes 1 and 2 on "Thinking" and "Willing" were published posthumously.
Context and Influences Hannah Arendt is a most challenging figure for anyone wishing to understand the body of her work in political philosophy. She never wrote anything that would represent a systematic political philosophy, a philosophy in which a single central argument is expounded and expanded upon in a sequence of works.
Rather, her writings cover many and diverse topics, spanning issues such as totalitarianism, revolution, the nature of freedom, the faculties of "thinking" and "judging," the history of political thought, and so on. A thinker of heterodox and complicated argumentation, Arendt's writings draw inspiration from Heidegger, Aristotle, Augustine, Kant, Nietzsche, Jaspers, and others.
This complicated synthesis of theoretical elements is evinced in the apparent availability of her thought to a wide and divergent array of positions in political theory: However, it may still be possible to present her thought not as a collection of discrete interventions, but as a coherent body of work that takes a single question and a single methodological approach, which then informs a wide array of inquiries.
The phenomenological nature of Arendt's examination and indeed defense of political life can be traced through the profound influence exerted over her by both Heidegger and Jaspers. Heidegger in particular can be seen to have profoundly impacted upon Arendt's thought in for example: This is not, however, to gloss over the profound differences that Arendt had with Heidegger, with not only his political affiliation with the Nazis, or his moves later to philosophical-poetic contemplation and his corresponding abdication from political engagement.
Arendt's distinctive approach as a political thinker can be understood from the impetus drawn from Heidegger's "phenomenology of Being. This phenomenological approach to the political partakes of a more general revaluation or reversal of the priority traditionally ascribed to philosophical conceptualizations over and above lived experience.
That is, the world of common experience and interpretation Lebenswelt is taken to be primary and theoretical knowledge is dependent on that common experience in the form of a thematization or extrapolation from what is primordially and pre-reflectively present in everyday experience.
It follows, for Arendt, that political philosophy has a fundamentally ambiguous role in its relation to political experience, insofar as its conceptual formulations do not simply articulate the structures of pre-reflective experience but can equally obscure them, becoming self-subsistent preconceptions which stand between philosophical inquiry and the experiences in question, distorting the phenomenal core of experience by imposing upon it the lens of its own prejudices.
Therefore, Arendt sees the conceptual core of traditional political philosophy as an impediment, because as it inserts presuppositions between the inquirer and the political phenomena in question.
There is no simple way of presenting Arendt's diverse inquiries into the nature and fate of the political, conceived as a distinctive mode of human experience and existence.
Therefore, perhaps the only way to proceed is to present a summation of her major works, in roughly chronological order, while nevertheless attempting to highlight the continuities that draw them together into a coherent whole.
On Totalitarianism Arendt's first major work, published inis clearly a response to the devastating events of her own time - the rise of Nazi Germany and the catastrophic fate of European Jewry at its hands, the rise of Soviet Stalinism and its annihilation of millions of peasants not to mention free-thinking intellectual, writers, artists, scientists and political activists.
Arendt insisted that these manifestations of political evil could not be understood as mere extensions in scale or scope of already existing precedents, but rather that they represented a completely 'novel form of government', one built upon terror and ideological fiction.
Where older tyrannies had used terror as an instrument for attaining or sustaining power, modern totalitarian regimes exhibited little strategic rationality in their use of terror.
Rather, terror was no longer a means to a political end, but an end in itself. Its necessity was now justified by recourse to supposed laws of history such as the inevitable triumph of the classless society or nature such as the inevitability of a war between "chosen" and other "degenerate" races.
For Arendt, the popular appeal of totalitarian ideologies with their capacity to mobilize populations to do their bidding, rested upon the devastation of ordered and stable contexts in which people once lived.
The impact of the First World War, and the Great Depression, and the spread of revolutionary unrest, left people open to the promulgation of a single, clear and unambiguous idea that would allocate responsibility for woes, and indicate a clear path that would secure the future against insecurity and danger.Mar 01, · To study effects on adult outcomes, we use two indicators of being affected by World War II: (a) that one lived in a war country during the war period, and (b) that one was exposed to combat in the area within a .
The Holocaust, closely tied to World War II, was a devastating and systematic persecution of millions of Jews by the Nazi regime and allies.
Hitler, an anti-Semitic leader of the Nazis, believed that the Jewish race made the Aryan race impure. Born in Cornwall, England, in , William Gerald Golding grew up to become one of the most celebrated British authors of the twentieth century. Best known for his classic novel Lord of the Flies.
World War II term papers (paper ) on The Psychological Affects of the Holocaust: The Psychological Affects of the Holocaust Essay submitted by Unknown The Holocaust was a tragic point in history whic.
In many countries in Europe, acts motivated by antisemitism, including the desecration of Jewish tombs or simple assaults on Jewish individuals, occur with varying levels of frequency.
Using new event data on antisemitic incidents, this paper analyzes two factors that influence antisemitic incidents.
Although a world war destroyed the totalitarian states of Germany and Italy, an even stronger totalitarian power remains with us.
the fact that it is an ethical and psychological analysis instead of a scientific-materialist one outmoded by the Marx-Dewey school! the catalytic agent for first, the Nazi movement, then a world war, and.